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parliamentary information office: He could always pull the plug on the coalition and force an election.

He won't, of course. His party's current 57 MPs would be reduced to less than 10.

parliamentary information office: There is nothing, nothing that would convince Clegg and pals to leave their job experience scheme. They have made "experience" of government their sole raison d'etre, they have no red lines.

parliamentary information office: Lovely boats, though.

parliamentary information office: And how could you forget the referendum on Proportional Representation?

parliamentary information office: in negotiations with the Tories, who had 47% of the MPs in the middle of a financial crisis and a melt down in the public finances. The Tories were already spoiling to fight a second election, which they alone could have afforded.

parliamentary information office: Ever since then, he's been pilloried in the press both from the left and right and blamed for every single thing that has gone wrong.

parliamentary information office: So to say he had "every opportunity" is just absurd and laughable. Every single factor has been working against him.

parliamentary information office: Nice to see that the Guardian are still helping the Lib Dems by yet again running a story telling us that Nick Clegg is angry with the Tories.

parliamentary information office: It's almost as if it's a deliberate policy: Tory minister 'leaks' a rabid right-wing policy, reassuring the headbangers; Nick Clegg throws his toys out of the pram, shoring up his shaky leadership; and then it's quietly dropped while no one is looking.

parliamentary information office: It's a pretty transparent tactic and doesn't deserve the traction this paper repeatedly gives it.

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The shocking news that there isn't any money may finally be filtering through to the Scottish Parliament

After the financial crisis, the emergency in the public finances, the emerging sovereign debt crisis and several years of austerity rhetoric, word seems to have reached the Scottish Parliament that something important is happening.

Last week, the leader of the Scottish Labour party gave a brave speech in which she observed that there really isn't very much money around, and this might mean that the free (meaning very expensive) stuff that the Scottish devolved government has been doling out might not be affordable. She asked whether universal benefits, often enjoyed by the affluent, are always the best use of scarce resources. South of the border this would be considered standard stuff. At Holyrood, where the Scottish Parliament sits, news of her speech was greeted by Scottish Nationalists with synthetic horror and genuine glee. Johann Lamont had committed a thought crime against the Scottish political consensus, which dictates that there is always plenty of other people's money and that spending as much of it as possible proves one's moral superiority.

The SNP circled Lamont, shouting the most offensive word known in Scottish politics: Tory.

For providing the beginnings of a reality check, Labour's Lamont was supposedly in league with the Conservatives to deprive Scotland and steal the trainers from the feet of Weegie (Glaswegian) street urchins.  In Scotland – where the Tories are a hunted and endangered species – the T word is so toxic that even the merest association can tarnish a reputation beyond repair.

Now the former Auditor General Robert Black, who for years oversaw the finances of Holyrood and the Scottish government, has intervened. He has also noticed (a little too late some might say) that there isn't any money, or not as much as there used to be. Writing in the paper I used to edit, The Scotsman, he says:

The first decade of devolution was the most benign period for the public finances in living memory, with budgets growing close to 5 per cent a year in real terms. We are now into the most challenging period in living memory, with the current spending plans providing for reductions of over 12 per cent by 2014-15 and the prospect of further reductions beyond that. Attention is usually given to the bleak prospect for public revenues, but we need to be acutely aware of pressures on the cost side.

Crivens, jings and help ma boab, as they still say in a few parts of Scotland: "We need to be aware of pressures on the cost side." Who would have thunk it?

It might have been better if more thought had been put into whether or not the free stuff was really affordable when the various bits of legislation on bus passes, free care for the elderly etc, were passed. A few people tried to point this out at the time.

As a Scot living in England, hoping not to be extradited in the event of Scottish independence, I have long regarded the patience and tolerance of the English to be one of the most remarkable features of the devolution experiment. There is some anger at all the free stuff and the high moral tone. But incredibly, it has never coalesced into a programme advocated by any of the large parties.

Yet, it seems that the current settlement cannot hold. Once the independence referendum is out the way – and the expectation is that Salmond will be defeated – talk will turn to more powers. That can only mean tax powers, so that the Scottish parliament starts raising its own taxes which it then spends. In theory it might mean the Holyrood parliament thinks more carefully about voting to spend more money, because it might have to put up taxes. Labour seems to be vaguely in favour of new tax powers for Holyrood.

Now David Cameron is talking about establishing a Constitutional Convention to agree a new settlement if the Scots say no in an independence referendum. He is understood to be open-minded on taxation powers. This could have enormous constitutional implications.

If Scotland gets its own tax system – or control of certain taxes – then England or the Rest of the UK (RUK) would also have its own tax set-up, voted on in Westminster finance bills. The UK tax system would have been partially dismantled. Presumably Wales and Northern Ireland would have to decide if they want to follow the Scots down the devo max road or stick with the RUK for tax and spend.

All very messy. But it is inconceivable – completely inconceivable – that those south of the border would countenance the Scots having their own tax system controlled by the Scottish parliament and Scottish Westminster MPs who continue to travel south and vote on finance bills which impact only on England/Wales/NI. That would be, as I've said before, representation without taxation.

Where this leads is to two classes of Westminster MPs, or some kind of federal arrangement where the Commons sits as a UK body for a set number of days a week and the rest of the time handles mainly English business with only English MPs voting.

For obvious reasons, Labour in London and the Scots near the top of the UK Labour party, really don't want to talk about any of this. I suspect they hope they can win the 2015 general election and shut it down by quietly introducing a few more tax powers for Holyrood and hoping the English don't notice. I doubt that will work.

Source: http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/iainmartin1/100183908/the-shocking-news-that-there-isnt-any-money-may-finally-be-filtering-through-to-the-scottish-parliament/